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Ted Kaczynski Manifesto PDF

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Ted Kaczynski Manifesto PDF Details
Ted Kaczynski Manifesto
PDF Name Ted Kaczynski Manifesto PDF
No. of Pages 58
PDF Size 0.35 MB
Language English
CategoryEnglish
Source web.cs.ucdavis.edu
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Ted Kaczynski Manifesto

Dear readers, here we are offering Ted Kaczynski Manifesto PDF to all of you. Assuming that industrial society survives, it is likely that technology will eventually acquire something approaching complete control over human behaviour. It has been established beyond any rational doubt that human thought and behaviour have a largely biological basis.

As experimenters have demonstrated, feelings such as hunger, pleasure, anger, and fear can be turned on and off by electrical stimulation of appropriate parts of the brain. Memories can be destroyed by damaging parts of the brain or they can be brought to the surface by electrical stimulation. Hallucinations can be induced or moods changed by drugs.

There may or may not be an immaterial human soul, but if there is one it clearly is less powerful that the biological mechanisms of human behaviour. For if that were not the case then researchers would not be able so easily to manipulate human feelings and behaviour with drugs and electrical currents.

Ted Kaczynski Manifesto PDF / Unabomber Manifesto PDF

Born
Theodore John Kaczynski

May 22, 1942 (age 80)

Chicago, Illinois, U.S.
Other names Unabomber, FC
Occupation Mathematics professor
Notable work
Industrial Society and Its Future (1995)
Criminal status Incarcerated at FMC Butner, #04475-046[1]
Relatives David Kaczynski (brother)
Conviction(s) 10 counts of transportation, mailing, and use of bombs; three counts of murder
Criminal penalty 8 consecutive life sentences without the possibility of parole
Details
Span of crimes
1978–1995
Killed 3
Injured 23
Date apprehended
April 3, 1996[2]
Alma mater
  • Harvard University (BA)
  • University of Michigan (MA, PhD)
Scientific career
Fields Complex analysis
Institutions University of Michigan University of California, Berkeley
Thesis Boundary Functions (1967)
Doctoral advisor Allen Shields
  • Industrialization requires a strong and well-defined society in order to operate. In providing structure, guidance, and basic needs, society has mostly eliminated the requirement for people to make decisions, have goals, or struggle.
  • Society has made almost everything that anyone wants either easy (welfare, etc.) or impossible (illegal). Freedom (deciding and controlling one’s own life) has largely been removed in the interest of the smooth running of the system. Not experiencing this power process, many people experience low self-esteem and feelings of inferiority.
  • Many people compensate with surrogate activities, which still leave them unsatisfied. Other people champion the causes of people and groups that they subconsciously see as inferior to them. Relying on society themselves, they challenge society to do a better job of supporting these causes.
  • Ironically, they (typically upper-middle-class leftists) want to strengthen the system that itself is the underlying cause of these problems. Long-term trends in history are inherently stable and co-dependent. Small changes to these trends are transitory, while changes large enough to be permanent are unpredictable and affect far more than one trend.
  • It follows that an undesirable trend cannot be corrected, only destroyed, and with no possibility of predicting what will replace it. Trends cannot be destroyed by any political process, as it would be suicidal for politicians. Industrial society is so integrated that even its good parts rely on its bad parts.
  • Technological advancements can be delayed but never prevented, and once in place can never be removed except by an even stronger development. The best we can hope for is that environmental or economic forces will soon weaken the system enough that it can be destroyed by revolution (but not by reform).
  • Reformers follow only one cause, so they are limited in number and often switch to other causes. Revolution offers one solution for all problems, and its followers see an ideal new world as their goal. (That each person might have a different concept of that ideal is irrelevant, at least until after the revolution (Cf. Arab Spring)).
  • We are not capable of solving even simple and obvious problems like environmental degradation, and if we ever do it will be because it is in the best interest of society. Industrialization is a far more complex and hidden problem, and its destruction would not be in the best interest of our society.
  • Previous societies have been limited by the effects of too much control. But technological society provides drugs, entertainment, mental health and alcoholism programs, etc., allowing it to exert far greater control without damaging society as a whole.
  • Society is reaching a crisis where it must do something about sub-societies (e.g. criminal gangs, militia, ghettos) that are threatening its absolute control. We must take advantage of this and increase social stress in order to weaken society and make its destruction easier.
  • Our destruction of society will bring great suffering, but it will be no worse than if technological society continues on its inevitable course. We must recruit highly intelligent people on a rational basis, and others using emotion, but both with the truth.
  • Political solutions are worthless; the revolution must be global and must not be distracted by other worthy issues. All must be aware that the destruction of society and large-scale technology must be the only goal. The biggest danger to the cause is not society, but leftism. Leftist collectivist philosophy and globalism can be achieved only through technology.
  • So no matter how well-meaning they are, or how worthy their goals are, leftists must ultimately rely on and support technological society. Leftists cannot be part of this revolution. (While it is omitted here, Dr Kaczynski continually stressed that his statements are very generalized and of course do not apply to many individual cases. This is in keeping with his belief that the future is shaped by large general trends and not by small individual actions. (Cf. Asimov’s psychosociology versus Bradbury’s butterfly effect.))

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